Social Movements — Civil Societies and Advocacy Groups
Chapter 1.4, Section 1: Government and Civil Society, Social Context, Policis and Changes in Singapore: Beyond the First 50 Years, 2022
Introduction
What is a social movement? Many scholars and academics have discussed the ways in which social movements have been defined, conceptualised, and mobilised. For the purposes of this chapter, rather than explore the preconditions or precipitants that invoke them, I propose a simple definition for social movements by breaking down the semantic elements; first, ‘social’ be it a shared collective identity or goal, and involving interactions and shared aspirations; and second, ‘movements’ — a public stirring or shift in social norms or policies. Such social movements largely spring forth from, but are definitely not limited to, civil society or through advocacy groups, which tend to be defined as being separate from political (party) or statutory (state or bureaucracy) institutions.
With our world-famous limits on public assemblies and protests today, you could be forgiven to think that Singapore would be one of the last places where a vibrant culture of social movements would exist. However, I would challenge this notion and argue that social movements and civil society have in fact played a critical role in collective nation building for present day Singapore, and I believe shall continue to be the conscience of our society as we march ahead towards the next 50 years.
‘Singapore’ as a Social Movement
“We, the people of Singapore, have decided to run the affairs of Singapore.
Unlike the previous rulers, we have no compensation or abolition terms.
Unlike the previous local ministers, we have no iron mines in Ipoh to provide for a rainy day.
We have no personal future apart from your future.
Your joys, and your sorrows, are ours.
We share the same future, be it good, indifferent, or bad.
And so, it is our duty to see that it is a bright and a cheerful future.”
- Lee Kuan Yew at the People’s Action Party’s first victory rally in 1959 (Han, Fernandez & Tan, 2015)
Can a political movement be considered a social movement? This rousing speech by Mr Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s first Prime Minister since achieving internal self-governance in 1959, captures the zeitgeist of post-colonial Singapore and the desire of a nation to achieve self-governance following the Japanese Occupation. Indeed, the birth of Singapore is a social movement considering this yearning for social and political change.
The transition into Singapore’s independence from the colonial ‘masters’ were exciting times for collective action and societal change. The example in Box 1.4.1 on SCW’s work towards lobbying for the Women’s Charter also mirrors a similar form of mass collective action leading to political and social change.
Box 1.4.1. Striving for gender equality: Singapore Council of Women and AWARE
The Singapore Council of Women (SCW) was established in 1952, but its membership skyrocketed to about 2000 members by 1955 (Chew, 1994), illustrating how many women identified with the issues that the SCW was campaigning for. These issues included practices of polygamy, child care, as well as divorce practices which they saw as root causes of suffering for women. With a growing platform for collective action and with a clear message, the SCW successfully lobbied the PAP to situate women’s rights as a key election promise — campaigning for “One Man One Wife” in its party manifesto.
The Women’s Charter was introduced in the Legislative Assembly in 1960, and was subsequently passed on 24 May 1961. While the SCW was dissolved in 1972 as a result of waning membership, women were still not equal in many areas of life in Singapore.3 The Association of Women for Action and Research (AWARE) was formed in 1984 to campaign for gender equality, and has been actively working towards this goal through its work on policy advocacy, education and service provision.
It is noteworthy that 60 years after the enactment of the Women’s Charter, the Government designated 2021 as the Year of Celebrating SG Women alongside a commitment in late 2020 to conduct a review of issues affecting women, to bring about a mindset change on values such as gender equality and respect for women.
Social Movements amidst a Strong Party State
The political stability that ensued with the PAP government remaining in power since independence propelled Singapore into an “economic miracle” for the next 55 years, with per capita income rising from US$500 in 1965 to US$58,500 in 2020 (Monetary Authority of Singapore, 2015; Trading Economics, 2021) .
Some would argue that strong political and economic stability was also achieved through limits on collective action, secured through a smorgasbord of legislative safeguards (inherited colonial laws included). I was a freshman in National University of Singapore when 16 men and women were arrested in 1987 under the Internal Security Act in what would become a significant yet contentious historical event for Singapore called “Operation Spectrum”. Believing that there was the presence of Marxist elements in this group was the Government’s reason for the arrest. I vaguely remember the anxiety and confusion but was clueless about what was happening then. However, what was clear to me was that “civil society” became a ‘dirty’ word in my adulting years. Terms like “social services” or “people sector” were more commonly used to describe civil society.
One would ponder at this juncture — wither the space for civil society and social movements in Singapore? Although the strong-fisted approach meant a complete intolerance of ‘hypervisible’ forms of social movements (e.g. public protests, picketing) by the state, this also led to the development of Singapore’s own unique brand of advocacy and social movements.
Weaving Social Movements into Singapore’s Social Fabric
An enduring post-independence narrative of the constraints we face as a country and a corresponding anti-welfare state stance that emphasises self-reliance in our social policies led to a uniquely Singaporean approach called “Many Helping Hands” in the early 1990s.
“Many Helping Hands” involves the state that set the legal, regulatory and financial parameters, the social service agencies (SSAs) that directly serve “beneficiaries” (SSAs used to be called VWOs or voluntary welfare organisations), the volunteers, the donors and the larger community.
Despite the economic success, many social needs were underserved. The civil society and advocacy groups, and the social movements that they engendered, were instrumental in the articulation of the issues faced by marginalised communities as a result of majoritarian policies and services needed to serve those who fall through the cracks. Through setting up as societies and charities, groups were able to organise themselves in a legal form that allowed for collective action on specific issues; though this is subjected to approval by the Registry of Societies (Ministry of Home Affairs) and Commissioner of Charities (Ministry of Culture, Community & Youth [MCCY]).
Box 1.4.2 provides examples of how social movements were brought about through such legal means.
Box 1.4.2. Advocating through social service provision as charities: Action for AIDS Singapore, Disabled People’s Association and Transient Workers Count Too (TWC2)
The first case of the Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) — the virus that causes Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) — was reported in Singapore in 1985. A group of 10 healthcare professionals came together in 1988 to set up a society with charity status called Action for AIDS Singapore out of concern over the inaction of policymakers over HIV in
Singapore to advocate for rights of people living with, and those at risk of acquiring HIV in Singapore. Today, they are running Singapore’s only community-based anonymous testing site for HIV, and serve as an important bridge between communities impacted by HIV, and policymakers.
A small group of persons with disabilities in Singapore came together in 1980, with the help of about 100 volunteers to set up a social movement that finally became The Disabled People’s Association (DPA) as a society in 1986. DPA was only given charity status in 1998 with two key aims: to influence decision makers to implement policies and programmes aimed at promoting social integration of persons with disability, and to share experiences concerning disability in order to co-operate in search of better solutions.
Transient Workers Count Too (TWC2) was registered as a society in 2004, but had initially started out in 2003 as an ad-hoc group called The Working Committee 2. The group was formed as a result of “outrage and concern over the apathy of civil society in Singapore”, following reports of the brutal abuse of Indonesian domestic worker Muawanatul Chasanah (Transient Workers Count Too, 2021). The organisation has since been involved in strong research and advocacy work to advance policies that address systemic inequities and to improve public attitudes. A registered charity, TWC2 also provides social work services to transient workers, including monthly outreach activities by volunteers who engage workers at locations where they might typically spend their free time.
Advocacy groups that aligned with the Government’s goals were often able to obtain ‘deeper’ levels of recognition, such as registration for charity status and membership to the National Council of Social Service (Ministry of Social & Family Development).
Limits to the ‘Many Helping Hands’ Approach
This led to a form of ‘organisational pluralism’ among advocacy groups in civil society. In 2019, there were a total of 2,281 registered charities across a range of ‘charitable purposes’ (Ministry of Culture, Community and Youth, 2020)
However, some observers have called the approach “Many Hired Hands” instead because of the dominant role of the Government in the social sector. Its dominance is in part due to the need of the charities to rely on heavy funding from the Government (Tai, 2016). Consequently, the reliance on government approvals for the formation of entities and for funding meant that certain groups were neither given a platform, nor any funding to advocate for or provide services in key areas of health and social needs.
One example would be the lack of representation of lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans (LGBT) advocacy groups (see Box 1.4.3). This limits not just the policy advocacy role that social movements often aspire to achieve, but also the capacity of service provision for community-based services that address health and social needs of LGBT-identifying individuals that public institutions are not well-equipped or able to address.
Box 1.4.3. Social service provision for sexual minorities
A shadow report submitted for the 2016 United Nations Human Rights Council Universal
Periodic Review stated that no LGBT organisation has been able to register as a society in
Singapore under the Societies Act. The submission cited the example of the advocacy group, “People Like Us” and its failure to obtain society status, with the registrar of societies explaining that “as the mainstream moral values of Singapore are conservative, it is hence contrary to public interest to grant legitimacy to the promotion of homosexual activities and viewpoints.”
The Many Helping Hands approach also does not provide space for more ‘divergent’ views on issues that may not align with the government’s existing policies or social service provision models. In response to concerns around the lack of freedom of expression and speech, Speakers Corner at Hong Lim Park was established in September 2000. Individuals who intend to use the space, however, need to apply for a permit to do so with the Kreta Ayer Neighbourhood Police Post under the conditions set forth by the Public Entertainments and Meetings Act. While this led to novel forms of collective action in Singapore (see Box 1.4.4), many criticised it as a form of tokenism, given the strict limits that are placed on what may or may not be said in that space (Thio, 2003).
Box 1.4.4. ‘Pragmatic Resistance’ (Chua, 2012) by SG Climate Rally at Hong Lim Park
On September 21, 2019, Singapore’s very first climate rally was held at Hong Lim Park. The movement was entirely organised by 15 Singapore youths, a majority of whom were students aged between 19 and 24. The event saw over 1,700 participants who were mostly students and young adults (Tan & Zhang, 2019). The ‘die-in’ finale that wrapped up the climate rally asked attendees to stand up facing the direction of their homes, and then slowly collapse on the grass patch to simulate dying. It was supposed to be an expression of solidarity and meant to honour the planet, as well as the flora and fauna on it that lost their lives to climate change. One of the Rally organisers, however, admitted her difficulty in speaking up. She said that when asked to speak at Speakers’ Corner, she feared being put on a “blacklist” (Parliament of Singapore, 2019)
Overlooked in policy and recurring funding narratives under Many Helping Hands are informal and self organised groups who have played an indispensable role in civil society. These groups are often seen as transient even as they serve a niche and important need and/or community. In 2012, the Singapore Kindness Movement coined the term ‘Ground Up Movements” or GUMs to identify these groups and provide seed funding. Set up as part of the SG50 celebration in 2015, Our Singapore Fund by MCCY started to include GUMs and social enterprises (SEs) as well.
Looking Beyond: Social movements and participatory policymaking
Today, 34 years after Operation Spectrum and 12 years after the ‘Aware Saga’ (Chong, 2011), social movements are taking on a more urgent and visible responsibility with widening social inequality and a changing political landscape, including an increasingly viable and robust opposition being fielded at the polls, and the instatement of Singapore’s very first Leader of the Opposition in 2020.
Now widely called “the crisis of our generation”, the Covid-19 pandemic that hit our shores in early 2020 not only spotlighted the structural cracks that civil society and advocacy groups have been highlighting for years, but also showed social movements and ground up initiatives at their best through intra-civil society collaborations (see Box 1.4.5).
Box 1.4.5. Intra-civil society collaborations: Covid-19 Migrant Support Coalition and Mind the Gap Collective
Established on 6 Apr 2020, the Covid-19 Migrant Support Coalition (CMSC) started as a collaborative effort between several ground up initiatives including Citizen Adventures, Migrant x Me and Singapore Migrant Friends. The groups came together to share resources and help to meet the needs of migrant workers during the Circuit Breaker.
Mind the Gap is a loose collective of social/community workers from several social service agencies (SSAs) and ground-up community organisations which came together to help families and individuals impacted by the COVID-19 pandemic through the disbursement of financial assistance. The coalition came together as a response to the public’s desire to donate to low-income families during the Circuit Breaker period from reading about the challenges faced by these families in the Straits Times. (Disclosure: I initiated the coalition as Chairperson of A Good Space Co-operative Limited, one of the members of the collective) Social movements and advocacy groups are increasingly more conscious about engaging the public with policy level debate beyond merely having people ‘turn up’. (See Box 1.4.6).
While Singapore continues to place limits in public assemblies and gatherings, or on establishing formal entities, the line between public and private, as well as what constitutes an entity is getting increasingly blurred with the advent of technology, the internet, and social media. We now have virtually-mediated space through which we can assemble, share content, and spur collective action (e.g Monica Baey vs NUS). In fact, technology and social media has also “democratised” the civil society; those who used to be ‘helped’ are now organising themselves to make the changes they wish to see in their own communities as well as engaging with the larger society. These ‘changemakers’ are emerging from the low income and migrant worker communities and forming their own GUMs.
Box 1.4.6. Engaging the public to respond to/recommend policies: Green Movement, CAPE, and SG Mental Health Matters
The younger generation in the climate movement, such as Climate Conversations, is trying to simplify policies and support the ordinary citizens to respond to policy consultations whilst advocacy groups SG Climate Rally and Speak for Climate formed Greenwatch Campaign during the General Elections 2020 to review sustainability policies of various political parties through climate scorecards.
The Community for Advocacy and Political Education (CAPE), a student-run organisation based at Yale-NUS College — was founded in 2017 by students from Yale-NUS College and the Law Faculty of the National University of Singapore (NUS) unpacks complex policies into easy and visually-appealing infographics, and tracks parliamentary proceedings as well. It recently collaborated with A Good Space to conduct a public poll on the policy recommendations by changemakers for the low income communities for Budget 2021.
SG Mental Health Matters (SGMHM), a volunteer-run ground up initiative, conducted Singapore’s first public consultation on mental health late 2019 which formed the basis of my
Budget 2020 speech as a Nominated Member of Parliament. It recently followed up with the #AreWeOkay online public poll in March 2021 to ask Singaporeans how they are coping, and what policy changes are needed. (Disclosure: I am involved with SGMHM)
Innovative models are emerging to support, sustain and integrate GUMs and SEs into the larger ecosystem of many helping hands, including getting more public funders as well as philanthropic and private sector organisations to boldly support GUMs and SEs.
The example in Box 1.4.7 provides a new as well as more financially and emotionally sustainable model towards a pluralistic form of advocacy that promotes social movements at a more granular and intersectional, but no less important level of changemaking.
Box 1.4.7. A Co-operative Approach to Social Movements: A Good Space
A Good Space (AGS) was started in June 2017 and was incubated by the National Volunteer Philanthropy Centre (NVPC) and the MCCY for two years. AGS had its jumpstart at a first gathering of diverse ground-up movements, social enterprises, policymakers, employers, individuals and more. It was formally incorporated as a co-operative on 31 March 2020. A co-operative is governed like a society under the Singapore Co-operatives Act, and is a business with a strong social mission that is owned by its members. Members assist one another in working towards a common goal and can vote on key decisions, receive dividends, enjoy benefits and more. This model provides greater autonomy to the co-operative, which aligns with AGS’ ethos of harnessing the power of individuals to create solutions to challenges instead of waiting for institutions to solve it for them. (Disclosure: I co-founded AGS with the current General Manager in 2017)
There is increasing plurality in efforts to spearhead social movements in Singapore. We are starting to see not just social movements that stem from civil society, but state-led initiatives as well (e.g. Purple Parade, Beyond the Label, SG Cares, Emerging Stronger Conversations and Alliances for Action, Groundups Central by NVPC etc).
Social Movements in Singapore: Supportive, not Subversive
It has been said that the government cannot build community, but it can make the space for it to be possible (Institute of Policy Studies, 2019).
This was also the hope of the numerous young students who co-wrote the speech I delivered on Youth Activism in Parliament in 2019 (Parliament of Singapore, 2019), along with many others I have also spoken with. They hope that the Government can re-evaluate its attitudes, and legislation, towards advocacy, activism and dissent to build a psychological safety climate that encourages active citizenry and a stronger sense of belonging. These young Singaporeans are the ones whom we hope will stay in and lead Singapore towards the next 50 years.
“We need to shift from a government that focuses primarily on working for you, to a government that works with you. Working with you, for you.”, said Deputy Prime Minister Heng Swee Keat (Prime Minister’s Office, 2019). This, I read, to suggest a new confidence needed, of itself and of our people.
Indeed, it is not just #SGTogether but it must be #SGforAll. And that means we — Government, private sector and civil society, must invest in our vulnerable communities to develop the strengths and assets of each member of the community. Through these bottom-up initiatives, we see how needs are being served by the community, while drawing upon government resources. Social movements, in this sense, not only encompasses huge crowds or masses of people striving for broad policy change, but also blips of ground-up efforts that aim to create change for folks even just at a neighborhood or community level. This not only builds personal agency and gives dignity but strengthens community resilience and our social defence in the coming decades.
Conclusion
The term ‘social movements’ may conjure up visions of protests, riots, and subversion. But civil society and advocacy groups, alongside the social movements they sparked, have been instrumental in building Singapore’s moral capital and shared identity thus far. It takes moral courage and confidence as well as cross-sectoral and intra-civil society cooperation to create a future Singapore that is not just thriving and inclusive, but equitable for all.
What is your wish for Singapore? Will the Singapore that we become in the next 50 years be yet another social movement, this time not on the call of one strong man but of many Singaporeans like you? What would your role be in this movement?
We need all hands on deck.
References
Chew, P. G. L. (1994). The Singapore Council of Women and the women’s movement. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 112–140.
Chong, T. (Ed.). (2011). The AWARE saga: Civil society and public morality in Singapore. NUS Press.
Chua, L. J. (2012). Pragmatic Resistance, Law, and Social Movements in Authoritarian States: The Case of Gay Collective Action in S ingapore. Law & Society Review, 46(4), 713–748.
Han, F. K., Fernandez, W., & Tan, S. (2015). Lee Kuan Yew: The man and his ideas. Singapore: Marsha
Institute of Policy Studies. (2019). Ground-up efforts at community development in Singapore. Retrieved from https://lkyspp.nus.edu.sg/docs/default-source/ips/report-on-ips-case-study-workshop-on-beyond-social-services-and-artswok-collaborative_ground-up-efforts-at-community-development-in-singapore.pdf
Ministry of Culture, C. a. Y. (2020). Charities statistics and publications. Retrieved from https://www.mccy.gov.sg/about-us/news-and-resources/statistics/2019/jan/charities-statistics-and-publications
Monetary Authority of Singapore. (2015). An Economic History of Singapore: 1965–2065 — Keynote Address by Mr Ravi Menon, Managing Director, Monetary Authority of Singapore, at the Singapore Economic Review Conference 2015 on 5 August 2015 [Press release]. Retrieved from https://www.mas.gov.sg/news/speeches/2015/an-economic-history-of-singapore
Parliament of Singapore. (2019). A Liberal Education and Corruption of the Youth of Singapore. Singapore Retrieved from https://sprs.parl.gov.sg/search/sprs3topic?reportid=matter-adj-1219
Prime Minister’s Office. (2019). DPM Heng Swee Keat at the ‘Building Our Future Singapore Together’ Dialogue [Press release]. Retrieved from https://www.pmo.gov.sg/Newsroom/DPM-Heng-Swee-Keat-Building-Our-Future-Singapore-Together-Dialogue
Tai, J. (2016, April 11, 2016). All hands on deck needed for social good. The Straits Times. Retrieved from https://www.straitstimes.com/opinion/all-hands-on-deck-needed-for-social-good
Tan, A., & Zheng, Z. (2019). S’poreans didn’t take SG Climate Rally seriously despite climate emergency. Here’s why. Mothership.sg. Retrieved from https://mothership.sg/2019/10/sg-climate-rally-reactions/
Thio, L. A. (2003). Singapore: Regulating Political Speech and the Commitment to Build a Democratic Society. Int’l J. Const. L., 1, 516.ll Cavendish Editions.
Transient Workers Count Too. (2021). Who We Are. Retrieved from https://twc2.org.sg/who-we-are/organisation/
Trading Economics. (2021). Singapore GDP per capita. Retrieved from https://tradingeconomics.com/singapore/gdp-per-capita
Anthea Ong is a former Nominated Member of Parliament, a social entrepreneur (WorkWell Leaders, Hush TeaBar, SG Mental Health Matters, A Good Space, Welcome in My Backyard, Project Yoga-on-Wheels, Playground of Joy), author (50 Shades of Love, The NMP Scheme: Are Unelected Voices Still Necessary in Parliament) and Professional Certified Coach/Life and Leadership Coach. She’s passionate about guiding leaders toward creating healthier, more connected workplaces and communities.